Monthly Report on Human Rights violations in the Republic of Ingermanlandia
Ingermanlandian human rights defender Olavi Lappalainen
August 2025
This report examines cases of persecution of citizens for their political views and expression in Ingermanlandia (St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region) in August 2025. Particular attention is paid to restrictions on freedom of speech, as well as criminal cases against activists, human rights defenders, and vulnerable individuals, including people with disabilities and young protesters. The report analyzes the use of articles of the Russian Criminal Code, such as 280.3, 205.2, and 354.1, which are used under the pretext of combating “the rehabilitation of Nazism,” “discrediting the armed forces,” and “the justification of terrorism.” These measures are accompanied by violations of fundamental rights, including freedom of expression, the right to peaceful assembly, and protection from unjustified arrests and prosecutions.
Criminal prosecution of Yanina Lenskaya for “desecration of a symbol of military glory”
Political repression continues in Russia under the pretext of combating the “rehabilitation of Nazism” and the “desecration of symbols of military glory.” The latest example is the criminal case opened in St. Petersburg against local resident Yanina Lenskaya. The Investigative Committee opened a case under Part 4 of Article 354.1 of the Russian Criminal Code following Lenskaya’s post on social media VKontakte in October 2023, which included a photograph of the “Motherland Calls!” monument on Mamayev Kurgan. The post began with the words “Look closely at this…”; the rest of the content is being withheld by investigators. This was sufficient to qualify the post as “desecration of a symbol of military glory.” After her arrest, Lenskaya pleaded guilty. On August 13, 2025, the Kirovsky District Court imposed a preventive measure against her in the form of a ban on certain activities. She is prohibited from leaving St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region, using the internet or any communications devices, attending public events, or sending or receiving mail.
Repression against human rights activist Elena Popova on charges of disseminating “fake news”
The next example was the criminal prosecution of Elena Popova, co-founder and former coordinator of the Movement of Conscientious Objectors to Military Service, a human rights organization that supports russians who refuse to participate in the war for conscientious reason. On the morning of August 6, 2025, FSB officers came to search Popova’s home. According to the human rights activist, the officers broke down the door with an axe. She was in a state of fear and called the police. From that moment on, Popova went silent. It was later learned that a criminal case had been opened against her under Part 1 of Article 207.3 of the Russian Criminal Code for disseminating “fake news” about the Russian army. The case was sparked by a stream of the Movement’s birthday, posted on her VKontakte page on May 16, 2024. The post contained, among other things, calls for people to write letters to prisoners persecuted for refusing to participate in military actions. Despite pressure from investigators, the Frunzensky District Court of St. Petersburg refused to arrest the human rights activist, citing medical reasons. The hearing was held behind closed doors. However, just a few hours after the trial, security forces returned to her home and took her to the Investigative Committee, where she was ultimately given a pre-trial detention in the form of a written undertaking not to leave the country and to behave properly. Popova herself had previously announced her intention to leave human rights activities due to a lack of internal resources: “I don’t have the strength to respond to changes in legislation, to generate and spread the energy of resistance…” she wrote in July 2025. Nevertheless, the criminal prosecution continues. The Movement of Conscientious Objectors, founded in 2013 by Elena Popova and Miroslav Mishinov, provides legal, psychological, and informational assistance to those who object to military service based on their conscience. After the war in Ukraine began, the organization began assisting mobilized soldiers who did not want to participate in hostilities. In 2022, at the request of the Prosecutor General’s Office, the movement’s website was blocked, and its social media pages were deleted. The persecution of Elena Popova is yet another example of state pressure on anti-war activists and human rights defenders in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region. Under the pretext of combating “fakes,” state authorities are in fact discrediting the very idea of freedom of conscience and the right to refuse participation in violence, turning criminal law into an instrument for suppressing dissent.
Darya Kozyreva is being prosecuted for an anti-war protest and criticism of the army
Politically motivated repression against young activists expressing an anti-war stance continues in St. Petersburg. Nineteen-year-old Darya Kozyreva received a two-year and eight-month prison sentence for repeated discrediting the army (Part 1, Article 280.3 of the Russian Criminal Code). The St. Petersburg City Court upheld the sentence despite numerous arguments by the defense and Kozyreva’s own public statements about the political nature of the case. Darya was arrested for an action on February 24, 2024—the anniversary of the start of the full-scale war in Ukraine. At that time, she pasted a leaflet with a quote from his poem on the Taras Shevchenko monument in St. Petersburg: “Break and rise / Break the kaidans / And with the evil blood of the enemy / Sprinkle freedom.” Later, a second episode was added to the case—an interview with the publication “Sever.Realii,” in which Kozyreva called the war “monstrous” and “criminal.” These actions were classified as a criminal offense, since Darya had already been fined in 2023 for a similar publication on VKontakte. At the trial, Kozyreva openly stated the political nature of her case, criticizing the expert assessments and the investigation, calling them “homeopathy in the world of expert work.”
She emphasized that her actions did not contain calls for violence and refused to admit guilt, despite pressure. In her final statement, she compared today’s realities to the political repressions in the history of Russia and the USSR, noting that the poet himself was once arrested and exiled for Shevchenko’s work, and now “they’re imprisoning me.” The trial took place under strict restrictions, in part due to Kozyreva’s health, which had left her in pretrial detention for a year. In April 2025, she was sentenced, which she appealed. However, the appeal was rejected, and in September, the St. Petersburg City Court upheld the verdict. Kozyreva’s case is a striking example of how pressure is intensifying in Russia on young people for openly dissenting from the war and state policy. The application of Article 280.3 of the Russian Criminal Code effectively replaces the article on “political unreliability,” blurring the line between civil protest and a criminal offense. Security forces and courts in the Leningrad Region continue to use repressive legislation to suppress freedom of speech, creativity, and expression.
Yuri Shlenkin, a disabled person, is accused of justifying terrorism through an online comment
Yuri Shlenkin, a 28-year-old St. Petersburg resident with a third-degree disability, was sentenced by the 1st Western District Military Court to three years in prison on charges of justifying terrorism on the internet (Part 2 of Article 205.2 of the Russian Criminal Code). The sentence was based on a comment on Telegram, published on July 26, 2024, which mentioned the Russian Volunteer Corps and the “Freedom of Russia” Legion. The text of the comment was not disclosed in court, but the prosecution claimed that Shlenkin “had direct intent” and allegedly “publicly called for terrorist activity.” The prosecutor insisted on a prison term, despite the defense presenting documents confirming the defendant’s psychiatric diagnosis and disability. Shlenkin has suffered from mental retardation since childhood, was homeschooled, failed to socialize, and lived his entire life under the guardianship of his mother. According to her, the family lacked the funds for the necessary diagnostics and treatment. During the investigation, he was sent for a month for a psychiatric evaluation, which found him sane. However, the defense insisted that Shlenkin was a suggestible, emotionally unstable person who was distressed over the death of friends at the front and influenced by information on the internet. The defense attorney requested a non-custodial sentence, citing the defendant’s poor health, emotional instability, and remorse. However, the court sided with the prosecution and sentenced Shlenkin to the maximum requested sentence—three years in prison. This case is yet another example of the repressive use of anti-extremist and anti-terrorist legislation for political purposes. This is particularly telling in the context of the repressions in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region, where not only activists and human rights defenders, but also socially vulnerable citizens, including people with disabilities and mental disabilities, are being prosecuted. The fact that a disabled person was convicted without direct evidence of violent intent demonstrates that the state repression machine operates on a “just in case” basis—any voice of doubt or dissent, even in the form of a careless comment, is perceived as a threat. Yuri Shlenkin is not a politician, not an activist, not an organizer. He is a young man with a disability who could not bear the situation and expressed his protest online. His story is a tragic reflection of the ruthlessness of a repressive system where no exceptions are made for age, health, or common sense.
Conclusion
The events of August 2025 in St. Petersburg and the Leningrad Region clearly demonstrate the ongoing trend toward the systematic restriction of civil liberties and political rights. Repression against activists, human rights defenders, young protesters, and vulnerable groups has become an instrument of state control, disguised as a fight against “extremism” and the “discrediting” of the armed forces. The application of criminal law under articles such as 280.3, 205.2, and 354.1 of the Russian Criminal Code is becoming a mechanism for suppressing dissent and narrowing the space for freedom of expression. Particularly alarming is the fact that pressure is being exerted not only on politically active citizens, but also on people with disabilities, as well as representatives of various social groups, demonstrating the scale and depth of the repressive processes. Such actions not only violate Russia’s constitutional rights and international obligations, but also destroy the foundations of trust between society and the state, creating an atmosphere of fear and self-censorship. This situation requires the close attention of the international community, human rights organizations, and all those interested in protecting human rights and strengthening the rule of law. Without changes in legislation and its enforcement, continued repression will only exacerbate social tensions and undermine the foundations of democratic society.